NEGOTIATED SURRENDER IN BURMA?
There is now a high stakes confrontation underway in Burma.
One side, the military dictatorship's side, is pushing for a national
ceasefire, followed by some form of "political dialogue." The other
side, the ethnic armed revolutionary forces, however, are unwilling to commit
to this. They are asking for a variety of preliminary conditions, foremost a
cessation of the conflict - a "temporary ceasefire" - meaning an end
to the Burma Army offensives and abuse. In other words, the resistance forces
have posed a simple question: How can we have an enduring ceasefire, if you
keep attacking us?
Right now, the Burma Army is attacking the KIA in a number
of different areas, and also shelling the SSA-N at their Wanhai headquarters.
In effect, what we are really seeing in Burma is continued
civil war, along with a political dialogue, which is to be followed by a
national ceasefire, and then more dialogue. But, the term "dialogue"
is not an accurate characterization. A dialogue is just talking. When any such
talks have a formal structure and concrete goal, they are really a negotiation.
The country is now undergoing a complex negotiation, in which the different
sides have their own respective goals. Indeed, the negotiation is not about
"peace" at all. Rather, it is about power.
The regime wants absolute power, and is demanding that the
ethnic forces surrender (to enter the "legal fold"). The ethnic
nationalities in turn want an end to the abuses that are being perpetrated
against their people; a new constitution that enshrines the principles of
federalism; a new Federal Armed Forces; and through all of this not only peace
for their people, but real power - a significant degree of self-determination
to manage their own affairs. This is what is at stake in the Burma negotiation.
Negotiation 101
In any negotiation there are two basic factors. The first is
the strength of your position, and not only if it makes sense - if it is just
or logical - but also if you have the power to back it up. For Burma, the
ethnic nationality position is just, and for both historical and human rights
reasons. "Burma" is in fact an artificially constructed nation. The
ethnic nationalities have only been part of a formal political structure during
the Burman empires, when they were attacked and occupied by Burman kings in the
lower part of the country (Lower Burma); as a consequence of British
colonialism, whereby the hill areas and the upper part of the country were also
incorporated; and through the war and atrocities of Ne Win and subsequent Burman
generals. In other words, all of the historical periods where Burma has been
structured as an empire or nation have been dictatorial. The ethnic
nationalities have been forced to participate.
The ethnic position is also just on human rights grounds.
The dictators have been perpetrating crimes against humanity against them.
They, on the other hand, have limited their armed resistance to a self-defense
response against regime military targets.
Regarding power, there is an uncertain and uneasy status quo.
The Burma Army has greater troops and weaponry, as well as foreign arms
suppliers. There is also intelligence that the regime jets that attacked the
Kachin earlier this year had Chinese or North Korean pilots, and further that
Israeli advisors are now assisting the Tatmadaw.
The resistance, on the other hand, has the justness of their
cause and their determination to fight. Even with this imbalance, the
resistance has fought with great courage, and inflicted massive losses against
the Burma Army. The generals have been reduced to forced conscription,
including of children, to preserve their troops. Said another way, the regime
cannot compel the ethnic groups to sign a national ceasefire.
David versus Goliath
For the second factor, negotiation ability, both sides have
able negotiators, although once again the balance on paper favors the regime,
since the entire international community of nations, without exception, has
abandoned any pretense that human rights in Burma should be protected. Burma
must be developed - its natural and human resources must be exploited - and
nothing, not even genocide of the Rohingya minority, can be allowed to stand in
the way of this. (The E.U. is actually training Burma's criminal police in how
to attack pro-democracy protestors, and Australia wants to force refugees back
into what until very recently were "black zones" - where villagers
were murdered by Burma Army soldiers on sight!)
In addition to diplomatically siding with the dictators, the
international community has also backed up its policy with money. Norway, and
Germany's Friedrich Naumann and Friedrich Ebert Stiftungs, have actively been
funding the "peace initiative," mainly through the Myanmar Peace
Center. This initiative can more accurately be described as a concerted
pressure campaign, for the ethnic groups to surrender. Harn Yawnghwe and Htoo
Htoo Lay of the EuroBurma Office are the brain trust behind the campaign, and
they are working closely with MPC members Myanmar Egress, Vahu Development's
Aung Naing Oo, and, surprisingly, Nyo Ohn Myint, formerly of NLD-LA.
Egress is a regime crony, and Aung Naing Oo has promoted the
surrender line for years through his Irrawaddy editorials. Apparently, he wants
to cash in on his Harvard degree through Vahu. But Nyo Ohn Myint? He appears to
have changed sides. What a tragedy, to see a good man betray the cause!
Finally, one other issue of unity also favors the regime.
The major Burman "opposition" elements are in fact siding with the
dictatorship. Aung San Suu Kyi and the NLD have joined the generals in calling
for the resistance to surrender, and former political prisoners for the most
part are not raising their voices about the issue. In other words, the
pro-regime side is unified. On the other hand, there are significant fractures
within the ethnic nationalities, largely because the fraudulently elected KNU
leadership, warlord Yawd Serk, and also the Wa, are corrupt and favor the
regime.
Among many other exploitation cash sources, the U.N. has
just reported that methamphetamine production is exploding in Burma. Many of
the ethnic supporters of the ceasefire are doing so precisely so they can take
part in this lucrative market.
The consequences of this disunity have prevented the ethnic
opposition from mounting a united offensive campaign, a genuine revolution,
which given the low level of morale in the Burma Army would lead to an outright
victory; as well as attacks against ancillary regime targets such as the major
investments in pipelines and mines, which projects fund the Burma Army.
In the face of this difficult situation, the real ethnic
opposition has allied under the banner of the UNFC. And, because of their
continued willingness to fight, they have been able to hold off the demand for
surrender.
It is essential that the UNFC maintain this position - for
years if need be. If the ethnic groups don't, if they follow the KNU and the
SSA-S and give up, they will lose everything. Any chance of real freedom for
the country will be lost, and their people will be sentenced to never-ending
land thefts, subjugation, and abuse.
Conclusion
What is important in a negotiation is who gets what: for
Burma, who benefits from the ceasefire and in what ways. A national ceasefire
now, without any significant conditions, including an ending of the regime's
hostilities and abuse, and withdrawal from its ethnic area bases and outposts,
would be a disaster for the country. The generals would win 100 to 0. Burma
would continue to be a dictatorship for many, many years, if not forever.
Remember, the regime has already sent strong signals that it will not
materially amend the 2008 Constitution, and that current Army head Min Aung
Hlaing will run for President in 2015. This is the final step in Senior General
Than Shwe's self-protection and legitimization of the dictatorship strategy.
Carl Gersham, President of the National Endowment for
Democracy, recently visited Burma, and called it a pro-democracy success in a
world where such victories have become exceeding rare (with a good deal of the
credit for this going to President Obama's pragmatic and effectively
anti-democracy foreign policy). This was a preposterous and self-serving claim.
(One wonders if the NED is funding MPC as well.) Gersham also noted that
progress in regional neighbors China and Vietnam is nonexistent. It is naive -
outrageously stupid, actually - to think that Than Shwe and his heirs will ever
give up power, when so many of their fellow autocrats are conscientiously
defending theirs.
There shouldn't even be a negotiation in Burma. A final
point is that the existence of negotiations presumes that the respective
parties have a valid foundation. But, Burma's military dictatorship has none!
It is a gang of criminals - murderers, rapists and thieves - that for the last
50 years without pause has committed the worst atrocities possible. Rightly,
they should be overthrown, tried, and then either imprisoned or executed.
However, given for the moment that real revolution in the country is unlikely,
the ethnic forces can in no way yield. There can be no negotiated surrender: no
compromise on the interests of their people, and for freedom for Burma.
By Roland Watson
November 11, 2013
http://www.dictatorwatch.org/articles/negotiatedsurrender.html
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